语文版--初二下幻灯片课件
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你都认识这些人吗？
哈里·贝瑞
摩根·费尔曼
威尔·史密斯
迈克尔·乔丹
科比·布莱恩特
凯文·加内特
你都认识这些人吗？
康多莉扎·赖斯
鲍威尔
↑美国前国务卿
←
前美国国务卿。她是美国历史上就任此职的第一位女性非裔美国人，继克林·鲍威尔后的第二位非裔美国人。
黑人历史
黑人历史
16世纪起，欧洲白人就把非洲黑人掳掠到美洲为奴。
黑人历史
黑人作为商品来买卖一直延续到19世纪，1861年解放黑奴宣言，让黑人在法律上获得了自由。可是在现实生活中呢？
黑人历史
美国的黑人在20世纪50年代，展开争取民权的运动。南部一名黑人妇女拒绝让座给白人而被捕的事件，激起持续的抗议行动。当时在教会当传道士的马丁.路德.金（Martin Luther King），也投入争取黑人民权运动的行列，并成为了民权运动的领袖。
在美国
In America
约有 38,607,500 的黑人，占美国总人口的 12.8%。
Approximately 38,607,500 blacks in the United States, accounting for 12.8% of the U.S. population.

数据来源于美人口普查局的2007年报告。
YOU
HAVE
A
DREAM
MARTIN LURTHER KING. JR.
THE MARCH ON WASHINGTON
FOR JOBS AND FREEDOM
AUGUST 28 1963
I
我 有 一 个 梦 想
马丁 · 路德 · 金
马丁·路德·金
马丁·路德·金
马丁·路德·金（英语：Martin Luther King, Jr.，1929年1月15日－1968年4月4日），美国牧师，行动主义者，美国民权运动领袖。因采用非暴力推动美国的民权进步而为世瞩目，1963年8月28日在林肯纪念堂前发表《我有一个梦想》的演说，并因此获得1964年诺贝尔和平奖。金也是当代美国自由主义的象征，通称金牧师。其后，他将目标重新设定在结束贫困和终止越南战争上。1968年4月4日金在孟菲斯被白人优越主义者刺杀身亡。身后在1977年和2004年被追授总统自由勋章和国会金质奖章。1983年美国设立马丁·路德·金纪念日并定为联邦法定假日。
美国黑人运动领袖
1963年08月23日，马丁·路德·金组织了美国历史上影响深远的“自由进军”运动。他率领一支庞大的游行队伍向首都华盛顿进军，为全美国的黑人争取人权。他在林肯纪念堂前向２５万人发表了著名的演说《我有一个梦想》，为反对种族歧视、争取平等发出呼号。
马丁·路德·金
美国黑人运动领袖
马丁·路德·金
马丁·路德·金走在游行队伍的最前列（左四）
1963年8月23日，金率领一支庞大的游行队伍向首都华盛顿进军，为全美国的黑人争取人权。他在林肯纪念堂前向25万人发表了著名演说“我有一个梦想”。当时，美国许多黑人没有投票权，种族隔离在美国各地十分盛行。金在1968年4月4日在田纳西州被暗杀。
演讲现场
演讲现场
马丁·路德·金的家庭
马丁·路德·金的家庭
马丁·路德·金的家庭
马丁·路德·金的家庭
马丁·路德·金的家庭
马丁·路德·金
1968年4月3日马丁·路德·金（右二）在遇刺前一天还和其他领导人在一起
马丁·路德·金
1968年4月4日，马丁·路德·金在旅馆的阳台上遇害。他的同事们急忙呼救，并一起向打枪的方向指去。
He died
什么是梦想？
梦想
是......
什么是梦想？

梦想是一个美好的期望 ，可以通过一定的方式和途径，通过自己的努力和拼搏成为现实
什么是梦想？

梦想最大的意义是给予人们一个方向，一个目标。如果只把梦想当做梦，那么这样的人生可以说没有什么亮点。梦想使人伟大，人的伟大就是把梦想作为目标来执着的追求！
检查预习
检查预习
骇人听闻：
义愤填膺：
安之若素：
心急如焚：
摇摇欲坠：
使人听了感到十分震惊。
形容心中充满了愤怒。
安定镇静，跟平常一样。
心里急得像火烧一样。形容十分焦急。
摇摇晃晃，就要落下来。比喻地位或基础极不稳固，马上就要垮台的样子。
有感情地朗读课文
感情地朗读课文
思考探究
“我”有怎样一个梦想？
“我”为什么有这个梦想？
“我”这个梦想体现在哪个方面？
“我们”该怎样实现这个梦想？
思考探究
着重朗读段落
合作探究关键词句
并带上以下问题
请同学发言
请同学发言
“我”有怎样一个梦想？
18-26自然段
人人平等
拥有自由正义
消除种族歧视和隔离
黑人白人情同手足
要求政府，从政治、经济、文化上给予黑人真正的自由与平等权利。
请同学发言
“我”为什么有这个梦想？
1-7自然段
一百年前，政府许下“解放黑奴”的宣言，给黑奴带来了希望
一百年后，政府没有兑现诺言，“宣言”成为“空头支票”，黑人依然没有自由和平等
如果黑人没有自由和平等，国家就得不到稳定
请同学发言
“我”这个梦想体现在哪个方面？
8—17自然段
非暴力斗争方式
哪些段落？哪些语句反映了这种斗争方式？
请同学发言
“我”这个梦想体现在哪个方面？
第8段
我们不要采取错误的做法。
我们不要为了满足对自由的渴望而抱着敌对和仇恨之杯痛饮。
我们斗争时必须永远举止得体，纪律严明。
我们不能容许我们的具有崭新内容的抗议蜕变为暴力行动。
我们要不断地升华到以精神力量对抗物质力量的崇高境界中去。
请同学发言
我们却不能因此不信任所有的白人。
我们不能单独行动
“我”这个梦想体现在哪个方面？
第9段
和平、团结、彻底、永远向前！
请同学发言
我们该怎样实现这个梦想？
阅读11-16段
警察停止对黑人的野蛮迫害
黑人能和白人一样找到旅馆住宿
黑人的基本活动不被局限在贫民区内
黑人能和白人一样享有选举权
正义和公正滚滚而来
思考探究
马丁•路德•金的“梦想”是？
政治上：
希望美国的有色人种能享有和白人一样的生存、自由和追求幸福的权利，有同等的地位和公民权。
文化上：
希望得到尊重和理解，有受教育的权利和自由。
经济上：
希望有和白人一样的就业和发展的机会。
全文结构层次
一、回顾《解放黑奴宣言》的重大意义（1）
二、揭露黑人生活的现状，抨击美国社会黑暗的
. 一面,提出自己正当的要求（2～16）
揭露黑人_________________的现状
讽刺当局_________________的许诺
提出____________________的要求
提醒当局 _________________的后果
讲究_____________________的策略
表明_____________________的决心
三、展望：斗争必胜（17～32）
受歧视
空头支票式
自由、民主、平等
不兑现许诺
非暴力斗争
坚持斗争，直至胜利
全文结构层次
演讲词特点
演讲词特点
三多：（形式上）
三性：（内容上）
用整句（排比，气势强大）
多用短句、呼唤语（感召力，煽动性）
多用修辞格（比喻、排比、反问等增强感染力）
针对性、逻辑性、思想性。
自由平等是人类永远的梦想，也是人类永远的追求！
现在
很多年过去了，你认为马丁·路德·金的梦想实现了吗？
实现了！
欣赏风景
原版
《I have a dream!》
　　Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. on August 28, 1963. Source: Martin Luther King, Jr: The Peaceful Warrior, Pocket Books, NY 1968
　　正文如下:
　　I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
　　Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of bad captivity.
　　But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we’ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
　　In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a cheque. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
　　It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note in sofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad cheque, a cheque which has come back marked "insufficient funds". But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash thischeque — a cheque that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quick sands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.
　　It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
　　But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.
　　We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. They have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.
　　As we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied, as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating "For Whites Only". We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.
　　I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.
　　Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.
　　I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
　　I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live up to the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal.”
　　I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
　　I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
　　I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
　　I have a dream today.
　　I have a dream that one day down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
　　I have a dream today.
　　I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.
　　This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
　　This will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with new meaning.
　　My country, ’ tis of thee,
　　Sweet land of liberty,
　　Of thee I sing:
　　Land where my fathers died,
　　Land of the pilgrims’ pride,
　　From every mountainside.
　　Let freedom ring.
　　And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
　　Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York!
　　Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!
　　Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!
　　Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California!
　　But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!
　　Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!
　　Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi!
　　From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
　　And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last! free at last! thank God almighty, we are free at last!”
结束了
谢谢